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SALON
CAR

Irene Rich, Warner Bros star, with her 1929 Packard all-weather
Town Car,
all decked out for the early dinner at Romanoffs.
The Roarln' Twenties - Packard Ascends to the Luxury Car Throne
Part I
Text by Robert
R. Ebert, PhD
Photos from John Conde Collection
Adapted
by the author from a paper presented to the Automotive History Conference
of the Society of Automotive Historians in April 2002.
Reprinted
from the Packards International Magazine,
Fall 2002 Vol. 39, No. 3
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| Packard
was just another luxury automaker in 1920. Packard factory sales in
1919 and 1920 were only about a fourth that of Cadillac, less than
Peerless, and only slightly more than Stearns-Knight.
Yet,
by 1929, Packard dominated the luxury car market and was outselling
its major competitors combined.
Competitive
conditions and production technologies used in the United States
automobile industry changed extensively during the 1920s. Packard
adopted the new technologies and adopted to changing market conditions
in order to compete. Many of Packard's competitors did not change
with the times and left the door wide open for the Packard Motor
Car Company to become the dominant luxury car builder by the end
of the decade.
The
story of how Packard's rise to dominance occurred is the subject
of this article.
Packard Product Line in the 1920s
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During
the 1920s, Packard's product line evolved from having the Twin-Six
as its principal product to focusing on the straight-eight engine,
which, in one form or another, became the mainstay of the Packard
stable for over thirty years. Of course, along the way, Packard
built some very fine and luxurious six-cylinder models as well.
At
the end of World War I, Packard's product line for 1919 consisted
of the Twin-Six. However, the Twin-Six became a bit aged, and in
September 1920, Packard introduced the Single-Six Model 116.
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Alvan Macauley
himself, at the wheel of a 1920 Packard Single Six Model 116 which
experienced "disappointing sales," according to the author.
Perhaps the hangers-on depicted here were
recipients of Macauley's hard-sell to get those
sales moving again.
Or, maybe they were just going along for the ride. |
The Single-Six
The
Single-Six, though, due to relatively high prices (chassis at $3000
with the five passenger sedan costing $4950) and a narrow product
line (there was no seven-passenger model, for example) was not an
outstanding market success. Prior to the production interruptions
of World War 1, Packard built 10,645 Twin-Sixes in 1917. In 1920,
5,194 Twin-Sixes were made along with 1,042 Single-Sixes for total
output of 6,236. In 1921, Packard built 7,684 cars with 6,374 of
them being Single-Sixes (Kimes, pp. 224-227).
Although
the initial introduction of the Single-Six may have had disappointing
results for Packard, it must be put into the context of the 1920-1921
economic contraction and resulting decline in luxury car sales that
lasted until 1924 (see Figure 3, page 24). Packard, though, was
not content to use a weak economy as an excuse for poor market performance.
Therefore, in response to the disappointing sales of the Model 116
Single-Six, Packard introduced restyled Single-Sixes in 1922. The
new models had more graceful styling and included a line of seven-passenger
sedans.
The
market rewarded Packard with sales of 15,377 cars in 1922 (Kimes,
pp. 227-233, 806).
Although
six cylinder cars continued to dominate Packard output through 1926,
an important product development occurred in 1923 with the introduction
of the Single-Eight (straight-eight) Models 136 and 143. The Single
Eight became the Packard that replaced the Twin-Six, which was phased
out in 1923. By 1925, the combination of the popularity of the Single-Six
and the excitement generated by the new Single Eight propelled Packard
production to a lofty 32,391 (Kimes, p. 806).
Although six cylinder sales remained strong through 1928, Packard
solidified its position as a builder of supreme motorcars with the
introduction of the Standard Eight in September 1928 for the 1929
model year. The Standard Eight replaced the Packard Six at the lower
end of the Packard line, but with a price of $2435 to $2835, it
was anything but a cheap or popular priced car. Pre-depression Packard
production reached a peak in 1928 with output of 49,698 cars with
the Standard Eight accounting for almost 20,000 of those units.
Although output dropped slightly to 47,855 cars in 1929, Packard
ended the Roaring Twenties as the pace setter in the luxury car
market (Kimes, p. 806).
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Race Driver Harry Hartz enjoys
his 1922 Roadster in front of the
Packard headquarters at Detroit's
East Grand Boulevard
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Packard's
triumphs in the 1920s were hardly an accident. Rather, they were the
result of brilliant strategic planning and thinking by Packard's president,
Alvan Macauley, who saw very clearly the trends emerging in the auto-industry
in general and the luxury car market in particular in the 1920s. To
understand Macauley's strategy for Packard in the 1920s, it is necessary
to understand the dynamics of both the auto industry in general and
the luxury car market during that decade. |
The
Economics of Automobile Production in the 1920s
Ralph
C. Epstein, in his classic 1928 analysis of the pre depression auto
industry, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development,
observed that between 1903 and 1924 there were 180 companies that
manufactured automobiles on a commercial scale. That number does
not include hundreds or even thousands of firms that built only
a car or two.
Of
those 180 companies, only 59 remained as of 1925. The average life
for all 180 companies was 8 years and the median was 6 years. Only
20% survived 16 years or more (Epstein, 1927, pp. 157-160). By 1926,
the number of surviving firms declined to 44 (Epstein, 1928, p.
176). Attrition continued through the 1930s and early 1940s. By
the outbreak of World War 11, only 9 firms were actively engaged
in the production of automobiles (Ebert, 1997,p. 1). Packard, of
course, was one of those survivors, but many of its luxury car competitors
were in the corporate graveyard by World War 11.
Timothy Bresnahan and Daniel Raff, in a 1991 study, examined the
reasons auto firms failed in the 1929-1935 period. They concluded
that firms whose plants and organizations embodied mass production
had a competitive advantage. Mass production firms that were able
to achieve low average-cost survived the shakeout. Firms that exited
the industry tended to be low in labor productivity, which had the
tendency to drive up the unit costs (Bresnahan and Raff, 1991, p.
330).
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Twin Six Sedan Limo with two Janes
from the Edgar Rice Burroughs family,
author of "Tarzan." |
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Use
of mass production technologies by the auto industry in the 1910 to
1920 period began to take hold with the efforts of the Ford Motor
Company. One argument is that Ford's adaptation of assembly line techniques
in 1913 at the Highland Park plant followed from Frederick W. Taylor's
Principles of Scientific Management, which was published in 1911.
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Such a viewpoint is advanced by Stephen Myers III in The Five Dollar
Day: Labor Management and Social Control in the Ford Motor Company,
1908-1921 (Albany: State University of New York, 1981) and by Allen
Neving and Frank Ernest Hill in Ford: Decline and Rebirth, 1933-1962
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1962).
David
Hounshell, in a 1984 analysis of American production techniques
between 1800 and 1932, however, makes a persuasive case that this
argument overlooks the fundamental difference between Taylorism
and Fordism.
According to Hounshell's analysis, Taylorism takes a given production
process and improves the efficiency of the workers through time
and motion studies and implementation of incentives, such as a piece
rate system of payment. Taylorism took production equipment as a
given and sought to achieve efficiencies through improvement in
labor processes and organization of work.
Ford,
however, established a system by which the machine set the pace
of the work. The Ford work processes were mechanized and workers
were then found to tend the machines. Whereas Taylorism sought to
improve the efficiency of workers in a given production process,
Fordism sought to eliminate labor through the use of machinery (Hounshell,
pp. 249-261).
Ford's competitors became interested in the efficiencies achieved
at Ford, and the technology diffused quickly through the industry.
However, by the time 15 million Model T Fords were produced, the
Ford system itself demonstrated serious weaknesses. Competition
began to engage in frequent model changes, but Ford production technology
was so specialized that the change over to the Model A brought serious
problems to Ford (Hounshell, pp. 260-261).
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1925 - Gov. John Trumbull of Connecticut shows off his new badge of
respectability,
a new Packard Eight Sedan.
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Each
year Chevrolet, part of General Motors (GM), undertook evolutionary
styling changes (Hounshell, pp. 263-265).
The success of GM in the inter-war period is often attributed to its
marketing strategy. |
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In
the 1920s GM established a policy of producing a line of cars in
each price class from the lowest priced to the luxury cars. The
price steps between the lines were narrow so that no wide gaps existed
in the overall product line (Sloan, p. 65).
Alfred
Chandler in his 1964 work, Giant Enterprise, observed that by the
mid 1920s marketing was a bigger challenge than production in the
automobile industry. Production expanded rapidly in the early 1920s,
from 1.5 million cars in 1921 to 4.3 million cars in 1923. From
1923 until 1929, sales averaged slightly less than 4 million cars
per year but production capacity reached 6 million units. Marketing
cars, not to first time buyers, but to the replacement market, became
the major challenge, according to Chandler (Chandler, 1964, p. 13).
Chandler concluded that General Motor's response to conditions in
the 1920s was to steadily improve the performance of cars and make
frequent style changes with the emphasis being on expanding its
share of the market (Chandler, 1964, p. 16).
Daniel
Raff, however, argues that the marketing innovations at GM were
effective only because the company could exploit innovations within
the factory. According to Raff, central to the strategies of the
firms that were successful in the inter-war period were production
plans that minimized costs and provided a practical foundation for
marketing ideas profitably (Raff, p. 725).
Raff's
analysis concludes that GM's significant marketing innovations were
effective only because they were made possible by innovation within
the production process itself. The GM system differed from Ford
in that GM did not have machine tools dedicated to a single part
or operation, but rather the operations were dedicated through jigs
and fixtures which were less expensive to replace or update. The
ability to quickly change jigs and fixtures made model changes less
expensive. By following a common parts strategy across several lines
of cars, but differentiating those lines through styling and design,
GM achieved significant economies of scale.
That
strategy, in turn, enabled GM to meet its competition with lower
costs and, therefore, increase its market share (Raff, pp. 724-745).
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Part II of Robert Eberts article will be posted next month. The full
article, as printed in "Packards" is available through
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Past Feature Stories
Summer 2002
Summer 1995 |
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